$hile: CAM Claims Several Sabotage Actions in Occupied Mapuche Territory

CAÑETE: Atentado Incendiario a Camion Grua Maquinaria Fundo Choque
April 29th, 2016/CAÑETE 

CAM Communique

The various Groups of Territorial Resistance (Órganos de Resistencia Territorial – ORT) of the Arauco Malleco Coordinator of Communities in Conflict (CAM), communicate the following to our Mapuche Nation and public opinion:

Kiñe: We claim, as Lafkenche Leftraru ORT-CAM, our action of sabotage carried out this past April 29th against a tow truck, which was inside the Choque estate guarded by police.

Epu: We claim, as Wenteche Matías Catrileo ORT-CAM, our action of sabotage carried out on the night of Saturday, May 28th, against an employer house, its infrastructure and a storehouse in the area of Pillanlebun, township of Lautaro. This action is part of the territorial process of reclamation and compromise for the reconstruction of our nation, and the definitive expulsion of large landed estate lords in Wallmapu. We clarify that our actions are not directed against the houses of small farm owners or poor families. It is directed against large landed estate owners and transnational corporations that attempt to perpetuate their colonial neoliberal model on these lands.

Kula: We claim, as Williche Kalfulikan ORT-CAM, our action of sabotage carried out on Sunday, June 5th in the early morning hours, against a logging campsite that serves as lodging for workers of Arauco Forestry Inc., located in the area of Las Trancas, township of La Unión.

Meli: Lastly, we would like to sustain that these actions are framed in our compromise and constant process of resistance and sabotage, continuing our struggle for autonomy and territory, which seeks to create the basis for Mapuche national liberation.

Oust the Estate Owners from Wallmapu

Oust the Forestry industry, Hydroelectric Companies and all Capitalist Investment from Mapuche Territory!

Towards National Mapuche Liberation!


ORT – Arauco Malleco Mapuche Communities in Conflict – CAM.

Distributed by: The Women’s Coordinating Committee for a Free Wallmapu [Toronto]




Hector Llaitul: “The arrest of my son is the product of the political persecution towards the CAM” & Public Communiques

thumb_5749e43017c630e1087a960e_5749e43017c630e1087a9613_88sHector Llaitul: “The arrest of my son is the product of the political persecution towards the CAM”

The son of prominent Mapuche leader of the CAM, Ernesto Llaitul, was arrested along with PeñI Ismael Queupil formally charged on the mourning of May 29th. Hector Llaitul claims these actions are due to the ongoing political persecution of the CAM. Charges under the possession of fire arms are automatically processed under Martial Law within Chilean legislation. WCCC [Toronto]

During the early mourning hours in the southern Chilean city of Los Angeles, Peñi Ernesto Llaitul together with Ismael Queupil were violently arrested, being immediately transferred to Special Police Investigation headquarters of the city, where they were charged with armed weapons possession. They were formally charged in court on the mourning of May 29th, 2016, and are being held in pretrial prison for the duration of the investigation.

In an extensive conversation with Werken.cl, Hector Llaitul contextualized the events that surrounded the arrest of Ernesto, pointing out this had been a planned operation on the part of area police to arrest his son. This follows a logic of political persecution directed at the CAM, since Ernesto is a well known militant of the Mapuche cause.

Within the interview Llaitul assures that his son is at ease in taking on political prison, and stating “despite his young age, his life has been full of sacrifice in having lived through the political persecution I have had to go through as a spokesperson and Mapuche leader. He understands this rigour, and has taken it on with dignity proper of the warriors who are in this process of struggle.”

Finally, the spokesperson of the CAM expressed solidarity to all the expressions of rebellion and resistance throughout Meli Wixan Mapu and stating today’s conditions are such as to develop the uprising of the Mapuche Nation.


Distributed by: The Women’s Coordinating Committee for a Free Wallmapu [Toronto]

Continue reading “Hector Llaitul: “The arrest of my son is the product of the political persecution towards the CAM” & Public Communiques”

Mapuche Resistance Group, Weichan Auka Mapu, Claims more than 30 Sabotage Attacks

Simbolo_weichan_auka_mapu-696x431Mapuche Resistance Group, Weichan Auka Mapu, Claims more than 30 Sabotage Attacks

The group “Weichan Auka Mapu, the Struggle in Rebellious Territory” reached out to País Mapuche in an email clarifying its position unto the current phase of the Mapuche-Chilean Conflict.

In their statement, they explain their political position. Further, they defend armed struggle, claiming more than thirty actions of sabotage in Williche, Wenteche and Lafquenche territory. The actions are claimed through their symbol, a Kultrún with an arrow and a hunting rifle. At the end of the communique, the actions that have affected the Chilean Catholic Church are clarified and also claimed.

The original communique is presented in the following:

Continue reading “Mapuche Resistance Group, Weichan Auka Mapu, Claims more than 30 Sabotage Attacks”

CAM Continues Acts of Sabotage against Forestry Companies in so-called Chile

CAM attentado 9 feb, 2016Communique

The Arauco Malleco Coordinator of Communities in Conflict (CAM) communicate the following to the Mapuche Nation and public opnion:

Kiñe: We, as the Williche Kalfulikan Organization of Territorial Resistance ORT– CAM, claim the action against forestry equipment belonging to Arauco Forestry Inc., which was carried out on the mourning of February 9th at the Lo Suarez estate in the township of Lanco.

Epu: At the same time, we claim another action of sabotage by the Nagche Pelentaro ORT-Cam against the forestry companies of the area of Capitan Pastene, Lumaco, which extracted lumber from the Choque estate exiting in the area of Relum.

Kula: These actions are under the firm conviction of our political and strategic project in the form of action and resistance, respecting our ethics, norms, and principles as Mapuche autonomists. Ours is a direct struggle against all expressions of capital in ancient Mapuche Territory. Further, this demonstrates the autonomous action of the ORT-CAM to develop the basis of our National Mapuche Liberation.

Kayu: Finally, we call out to our communities that continue to struggle and confront capitalism on our territories, in strengthening our path towards territorial control and autonomy.




Arauco Malleco Coordinator of Communities in Conflict (CAM)

Distributed by: The Women’s Coordinating Committee for a Free Wallmapu [Toronto]


CAM Claims Series of Actions Against Hydroelectric Dams and Forestry Companies in Wallmapu (Castellano abajo)


The Arauco Malleco Coordinator of Communities in Conflict (CAM) communicates the following to our Mapuche Nation and public opinion the following:

Kiñe: We, the Pehuenche Lientur Organs of Territorial Resistance (ORT-CAM), claim the action against the worker’s kitchen installations of the Angostura Central Hydroelectric Dam, on the mourning of Sunday, January 24th. This action will be carried out once more on other installations of the same characteristics in the region.

Epu: At the same time, we claim all the actions carried out in Upper Bio-Bio, ancient Pehuenche territory. These actions have been carried out mainly against the Angostura and Piltrilon Hydroelectric Dams, property of the Colbun group under the Matte tycoon family estate.

Kula: We also claim the actions of sabotage, under the Nagche Pelentaro ORT-CAM, against the logging machinery in the Santa Elvira estate, in the township of Capitan Pastene, Lumaco. The actions were coordinated with the previous ones, carried out simultaneously.

Meli: With this we seek to demonstrate, as an organization, the continuation of our lines of action and resistance. We our permanent compromise for the reconstruction of our nation, we assume a frontal struggle against the expressions of Capitalism through the military actions by the ORT-CAM. At the same time, we are also strengthening our territorial and productive control of our ancient territory, fundamental elements to set the basis of our Mapuche national liberation.

Kechu: We further announce, that as the Arauco Malleco Coordinator of Communities in Conflict, we give free range of action to our ORT-CAM. They therefore can define their actions according to their respective realities, respecting the ethics, norms and strategic political principles as an organization and as Mapuche.

Kayu: Finally, we call out to our communities to continue to struggle against capitalism. To dignify our condition as a Mapuche Nation. To resist and reconstruct our own paths.



January 2016

Arauco Malleco Coordinator of Communities in Conflict (CAM)

Distributed by: The Women’s Coordinating Committee for a Free Wallmapu [Toronto]




La Coordinadora de Comunidades en Conflicto Arauco Malleco (CAM) comunican a nuestro Pueblo Nación Mapuche y a la opinión pública lo siguiente:

Kiñe.- Reivindicamos la acción, a cargo de nuestro ORT-CAM Pehuenche Lientur, en contra de las instalaciones que servían de cocina para los trabajadores de la Central Hidroeléctrica Angostura, realizada en la madrugada del domingo 24 de enero, la cual se reutilizaría en otra faena de las mismas características en la zona.

Epu.- A su vez reivindicamos todas las acciones realizadas en la zona del Alto Bio – Bio, territorio ancestral pehuenche. Acciones que están principalmente dirigidas, en contra de las centrales hidroeléctricas Angostura, propiedad de grupo Colbun, por tanto de la familia Matte y de la central Pitrilon.

Kula.- También reivindicamos la acción de sabotaje, a cargo de nuestro ORT-CAM Nagche Pelentaro, en contra de maquinaria forestal en el Fundo Santa Elvira, del sector de Capitán Pastene, Lumaco. Acción que se coordinó con la anterior, desarrollándose de manera paralela.

Meli.- Con esto queremos demostrar, que como organización, daremos continuidad a nuestras líneas de acción y resistencia, ejerciendo nuestro permanente compromiso por reconstruirnos como pueblo nación, asumiendo la lucha frontal contra las expresiones del capitalismo, a través de acciones militares asumidas por los ORT-CAM y también profundizando el control territorial y productivo de nuestro territorio ancestral, elementos fundamentales para asentar las bases de la liberación nacional mapuche.

Kechu.- Anunciamos, además, que como Coordinadora de Comunidades en Conflicto Arauco Malleco, daremos libertad de acción a nuestros ORT-CAM, los cuales podrán definir sus acciones de acuerdo a sus criterios, respetando nuestras ética, normas y fundamentos políticos estratégicos como organización y mapuche.  

Kayu: Finalmente hacemos un llamado a nuestras comunidades a seguir luchando en contra del capitalismo, dignificar nuestra condición de pueblo nación, a resistir y reconstruir nuestro propio camino. 



Coordinadora de Comunidades en Conflicto Arauco Malleco, CAM.


Wallmapu, Enero de 2016.

CAM: “Our Struggle will Give Continuity to National Reconstruction in Wallmapu, to Expulse Capitalism Definitively”

Conflicto mapuchePublic Communique (Castellano Abajo)

The Coordinator of Mapuche Communities in Conflict (CAM) communicate the following to our Mapuche Nation and public opinion:

Kiñe: A land reclamation process has begun in the Choque Estate in the area of Paillaco, province of Arauco this past December 19th, encompassing more than 10,000 hectares of land that are currently in the hands of Mininco Forestry Incorporate. This territorial reclamation process has been carried out by our organization, which will take on a productive character as well as incorporate territorial, cultural, spiritual, and political aspects of Mapuche cosmology. This includes the dismantling of artificial forests, and preparation of farm work.  At the same time, these actions enable the ngellatuwe and paliwe, continuing our path towards autonomy and national Mapuche liberation in response to continuous usurpation and repression, as well as demonstrating our political, ideological, cultural responsibilities as Mapuche Peoples.

Epu: We will assume resistance as an integral action, respecting our Mapuche normative ethics, referring to our Mapuche laws (Mapu Ka Ad Mogen), defense (Introfil Mongen), and principles (feyentun) as people with norms and values (Pu Noche). We are therefore recomposing the respect to our traditional authorities, ways of life, relations and mode of production for survival.

Kula: This action, under the framework of national reconstruction based on territorial control, intends to deepen aspects that are being abandoned by other expressions of the Mapuche movement and their communities. We state this conscientiously, since there have been reclamation processes that have focused on the mercantile production, centering solely on the commercialization of wood. This is problematically linked to extractive processes, creating vital contradictions with our worldview as Mapuche autonomists, deviating the movement. It is for this reason that we should situate productive occupations with a focus on sustainability, integrity and coherence with our Mapuche cosmology.

Meli: Our compromise with the struggle will give continuity to national reconstruction from a socio-political perspective, in which we confront the advances of Capitalism in Wallmapu in order to expulse it definitively. Particularly, against forestry companies and mega hydroelectric projects as well as against the Chilean State through its various military operations. Therefore, the Groups of Territorial Resistance (ORT) of our organization will continue the actions of sabotage on ancient Mapuche territory.

Keechu: Therefore, it is our duty as the CAM is to sharpen and strengthen our political and territorial autonomy as a nation, through the consolidation of our own process of self-affirmation, action and direct struggle. In this way, resisting any form of subjugation, which strengthen contradictions and antagonisms, assuming the challenges of the struggle with dignity, while distancing ourselves from State intervention and market logic.

Kayu: We call on our Nation to define a proposal for resistance, territorial reclamation and national composition, which should not include those that promote greater divisions and confrontation between our people and communities. We speak of struggles that do not fall into mobster-like deviations, sects and paramilitary expressions, which generate actions that contradict our perspective of political action. These include the theft of lumber and animals between our own people, or armed actions and harassment against poor [non-Mapuche] peasants. The rectification of these actions is also our responsibility in order to reconstruct our Mapuche nation.

Regle: Lastly, in the days leading up to new commemoration of the murder of Weichafe [Warrior] Matias Catrileo, we remember our Peñi [Brother] by stating that the best homage we can pay is to continue the resistance struggle.




December, 2015

Arauco Malleco Coordinator of Mapuche Communities in Conflict (CAM)

Distributed by: The Women’s Coordinating Committee for a Free Wallmapu [Toronto]




La Coordinadora de Comunidades en Conflicto Arauco Malleco (CAM) comunican a nuestro Pueblo Nación Mapuche y a la opinión pública lo siguiente:

Kiñe.- Que el pasado sábado 19 de diciembre se ha dado inicio a un proceso de recuperación en el Fundo Choque sector Paillaco, provincia de Arauco, el cual consta de más de 10.000 hectáreas, y que hoy se encuentra en manos de la empresa Forestal Mininco. Este proceso de recuperación territorial será asumido por nuestra organización, en donde las acciones principales serán de carácter productivo y la perspectiva de recuperación no será tan solo territorial, sino también cultural, espiritual y política. Acompañado de trabajos de desmonte, limpieza para chacras, lo que incluye roces. A su vez, la habilitación de ngellatuwe y paliwe, dando continuidad así, a nuestro camino hacia la autonomía y la liberación nacional mapuche, como respuesta frente a la usurpación, la represión y nuestra responsabilidad política, ideológica y cultural como mapuche.     

Epu.- Asumiremos nuestra resistencia desde una acción integral y respetando nuestra normativa y ética como mapuche, referido a nuestro ad mapu ka ad mogen y la defensa de nuestro introfil mongen, considerando nuestros principios y feyentun, entendiéndonos como personas con valores y normas, pu norche. Recomponiendo el respeto que se debe a nuestras autoridades ancestrales, perspectiva de vida, relaciones y modelo de producción de subsistencia.    

Kula.-  Que esta acción, enmarcada en nuestra reconstrucción nacional basada en el control territorial, intenta profundizar aspectos que están siendo abandonados por otras expresiones del movimiento mapuche y comunidades, y esto lo decimos con mucha responsabilidad, debido a que se llevan procesos con un enfoque o tendencia productiva mercantil, centrado solo en el madereo y su comercialización. Lo que se encuentra profundamente relacionado al modelo extractivita, lo que genera contradicciones vitales con nuestro quehacer como mapuche autonomistas, desperfilando así el movimiento. Es por lo anterior que debemos situar las ocupaciones productivas con un enfoque de mayor sustentabilidad, integralidad y  coherencia con nuestra concepción como mapuche.     

Meli.- Que nuestro compromiso de lucha dará continuidad a la reconstrucción nacional desde una perspectiva socio-política, en donde confrontaremos los avances del capitalismo en wallmapu, para lograr su  expulsión definitiva. Particularmente en contra de las empresas forestales y megacentrales hidroeléctricas, también en contra del  estado chileno, a través de operaciones militares, por tanto, los Órganos de Resistencia Territorial (ORT) de nuestra organización, seguirán con las acciones de sabotaje en territorio ancestral mapuche.

Kechu.- Por tanto nuestro deber, como CAM, es afianzar y fortalecer nuestra autonomía política y territorial como nación, a través de la consolidación de un proceso propio de autoafirmación, acción y lucha frontal, resistiendo cualquier forma de sometimiento, profundizando las contradicciones y antagonismos, asumiendo con dignidad los desafíos de esta lucha, tomando también distancia de la intervención del Estado chileno y a la lógica empresarial.

Kayu: Hacemos un llamado a nuestro pueblo nación a definir una propuesta de resistencia, recuperación territorial y recomposición nacionalitaría. Propuestas que no debieran incluir acciones que tiendan a generar mayores divisiones y confrontación entre nuestra gente y comunidades. Hablamos de expresiones de luchas sin caer en desviaciones que impliquen actitudes mafiosas , sectas y expresiones paramilitares, que generen  actos que riñen con nuestra perspectiva de la acción política, como por ejemplo; el robo de madera y animales a nuestra propia gente, o acciones armadas y de amedrentamiento a campesinos pobres. La rectificación de aquello, también constituye un deber para la reconstrucción nacional mapuche.

Regle: Por último queremos, a días de una nueva conmemoración del asesinato de nuestro weichafe Matías Catrileo, recordar a nuestro peñi y plantear que el mayor homenaje que podemos realizar es continuar con nuestra lucha de resistencia.     





Coordinadora de Comunidades en Conflicto Arauco Malleco, CAM.



Mapuche Territorial Resistance Group of the CAM claim responsibility for Sabotage (See Spanish Below)



(See Spanish below| Ver Castellano Abajo)

foto_0000000120150910232723The Mapuche Territorial Resistance Group Lafkenche Laftraru of the Arauco Malleco Coordinator of Communities in Conflict (CAM) communicate the following to the Mapuche Nation and public opinion:

Kiñe: We claim responsibility for the sabotage against the logging machinery and equipment owned by subcontractors of Mininco Forestry Incorporate within the Estate of Choque, where there was heavy police presence that we confronted.

Epu: The action was carried out in the framework of the just and ancient territorial reclamation by the Choque and Miquihue communities, which have historically taken place in the area. This process of ancient territorial land reclamation incorporates the “El Canelo,” “Puntilla de Ranaquepe,” and “Fundo Choque” estates.

Kula: This action is one of many diverse actions of resistance that the ORT CAM have engaged. We have and will continue to take on national reconstruction and territorial control, fundamental pillars of our Mapuche national liberation project and unrestricted right to rebel against ongoing usurpation and repression.

Meli: Moreover, this action is in response to our permanent compromise in confronting the Capitalist expansion on Mapuche Territory and towards its definitive expulsion. Particularly, against forestry companies and the Chilean State, which grotesquely strengthen this depraving extractive model, through laws such as No 701.

Kechu: Therefore, within this context is our responsibility as ORT CAM to consolidate our political and territorial autonomy as a Nation, through the strengthening of our own processes of self-affirmation and action. In this way ending any type of subordination, dignifying our struggle with political military actions, which allow us to continue our resistance for national liberation. We will continue our struggle unto the depredation and domination.


Territorial Resistance Groups (ORT)
Arauco Malleco Coordinator of Communities in Conflict (CAM)

Distributed by: The Women’s Coordinating Committee for a Free Wallmapu [Toronto]


COMUNICADO ORT Lafkenche Laftraru CAM‏


            El Órgano de Resistencia Territorial (ORT) Lafkenche Laftraru  de la Coordinadora de Comunidades en Conflicto Arauco Malleco (CAM) comunican a nuestro Pueblo Nación Mapuche y a la opinión pública lo siguiente:

Kiñe.- Que reivindicamos la acción de sabotaje realizada en contra de las faenas, instalaciones y maquinaria forestal de la empresa subcontratista que presta servicios a la forestal Mininco al interior del fundo Choque, y que se encontraba con resguardo policial, con los cuales nuestras fuerzas de resistencia sostuvieron un duro enfrentamiento.

Epu.- Esta acción se enmarca en el justo proceso de lucha y reivindicación del territorio ancestral que las comunidades de Choque y Miquihue históricamente han realizado, sumando en este proceso de recuperación y control territorial a los fundos “El Canelo” y “Puntilla de Tranaquepe”, el “Fundo Choque”.

Kula.-  Que esta acción se suma a las diversas acciones de resistencia que como ORT CAM hemos asumido y asumiremos en el marco de nuestra reconstrucción nacional y control territorial, ejes fundamentales de nuestro proyecto de liberación nacional mapuche y  derecho irrestricto a rebelarnos frente a la usurpación y represión.

Meli.- Que esta acción es respuesta, además, a nuestro permanente compromiso de confrontar los avances del capitalismo en territorio mapuche y su expulsión definitiva, particularmente en contra de las empresas forestales y al estado chileno, que de manera grosera fortalece este modelo extractivista y depredador a través, por ejemplo, de la prórroga del decreto 701.

Kechu.- Por tanto en este escenario es nuestro deber, como ORT-CAM, consolidar nuestra autonomía política y territorial como nación, a través del fortalecimiento de nuestro propio proceso de autoafirmación y acción, poniendo fin a cualquier tipo de subordinación, dignificando nuestra lucha con acciones política-militares que nos permitan dan continuidad a nuestra resistencia para lograr nuestra liberación nacional. Ante la depredación y dominación, continuaremos con nuestra lucha.



ORT Lafkenche Laftraru

Coordinadora de Comunidades en Conflicto Arauco Malleco, CAM.

Responding to Repressive State Measures: The Fight for Autonomy and Territory

"Mapuche Reclaimed Territory." Part of the active land reclamations carried out by the Autonomist Mapuche movement.
“Mapuche Reclaimed Territory.” Part of the active land reclamations carried out by the Autonomist Mapuche movement.

We must begin by categorically reaffirming that this dispute is not over extensions of land – that is the concept of land as a commodity – but the reclamation and struggle to regain a way of life, an understanding of how to conceptualize the world and how to live accordingly. It is for a social and cultural form of organization. It is here where the concept of territory becomes effective, conceiving beyond its geographical specificity; is the place of traditions, histories, symbols, worldview, norms, dreams, and utopias. Certainly, this was the way things were understood by our ancestors, in the days of Reche and Mapuche reaffirmation; it is where culture and identity is constructed, where there is the reproduction of relationships that establish a social fabric, a worldview, an AD MAPU ADMONGEN KA. It is the projection of our people towards a better future.

Therefore, the defense and reclamation of our territory is the defense of our identity and its political structures, which is cultural, spiritual, and religious. It is the form taken by our people to reproduce materially, based on the land, understanding the relationship between humans and the environment.

It is for this reason that today, the conflict should be directed primarily against the real exploiters, those who directly undermine the Mapuche material and spiritual world. Today they are represented by the plunderers, the forestry companies, the conservative landowners. The struggle is also against the State and its legal and political institutional framework, while listed as protector of the interests of dominant groups.

Second, we must continue to establish the real situation that we live in today as a Mapuche Nation. In this regard we noted that what characterizes the relations of our people are that of domination, oppression and dependence on the State, a situation that began 130 years ago with the occupation of Wallmapu through armed violence. It is thereby, a relationship based on the subjection of a territorial system whereby plunder continues on a structural basis; the imposition of liberal norms regarding the law and property rights, as well as our forced integration to Chilean society, especially through education. Therefore, it is a relationship where our fundamental rights as indigenous people is, understood is denied in its entirety; that is the social, political and cultural construct of our society.

Third, we should note that domination and oppression we suffer from today is partly due to what is known as “Neoliberal governance,” which repositions the conservatives to take the lead in this country once again. That is, the local elites are those who exert the power of domination. In regards to the conflict, we are referring to the forestry companies and other private interest groups (such as large estate landowners) who through the media have generated real campaigns against our people, to the point of assigning the term “internal enemy”. Indeed the forestry companies, landowners and the media are aligned against the Mapuche cause and pressure the Chilean government to develop containment strategies, such as repression, criminalization, persecution and disruption of our Peoples’ most consequent expressions of struggle for territorial and political reclamation.

Articulated in these two large economic groups (i.e. forestry companies and large estate landlords) are the right-wing media, conservative intellectuals and most of the political parties in the “Alliance for Chile” Coalition and “The New Majority.”

arton769-485e8In this regard, we understand that the media’s influence is most definitely not minor (i.e. major newspapers such as El Mercurio, La Tercera, La Segunda), which have fulfilled their objectives  in stigmatizing and exacerbate the image of the “violent” Mapuche as terrorists that are funded and have international links. These mass media outlets have manipulated and manufactured information to the point of creating setups. They are responsible for the promotion and polarization of the conflict, as well as ultimately giving credit and coverage to all reactionary and conservative views of this country; in all, creating a true axis of power that expose the positions and discourse of the political class, intellectuals and government.

This is the way the State confronts the Mapuche movement that seeks to reorganize itself and struggle for our rights.“Neoliberal governance” is thus imposed, that with this new government only seeks to aim towards multiculturalism, continuing welfare state policies of integration and repression, criminalizing the Mapuche cause.

However, we must also understand that Neoliberal States are unstable and are therefore vulnerable to social unrest. Thus, they are forced to develop strategies for control and domination by creating a series of social mechanisms, developing devices for counterinsurgency, policies for criminalization and the production and/or fabrication of an internal enemy.

956-5Indeed, at present there is a strong challenge to the relations of the Chilean State with Mapuche Nation. The conflict has caused a crisis in the relationship. That is how the dominance of Power has understood has understood it, and is why the State has readjusted its strategies in the context of Social Counterinsurgency, using a multicultural model to lay out its plans, policies and how the distribution of land is to be set.

It is in this context that one must understand the social policies and programs as essential for the reproduction of the status quo. They are made ​​to disguise the predatory regime of accumulation, based on the appropriation and plunder of Mapuche land. The aim is to block the conflict to facilitate the accumulation of capital, which is maintained through the management of trading clients and welfare based on state subsidies.

These multicultural and social programs are aimed at promoting participation of indigenous peoples as a way to remedy the exclusion they have been submitted to. However, the trend is clear and points towards assimilation and integration, whereby an absorbing effect takes place in assimilating ethnic identities within the framework of “representative democracy,” and of course towards neoliberal economic growth. The multicultural character of “identity building.” Nonetheless presents obvious structural limitations and that are part of a strategy that legitimizes the current system. Therefore, these strategies are used only as tactics of social insurgency, which in the Mapuche case are aimed towards a potential social support base and are focused towards the most consequent of its anti-systemic positions, such as the CAM.


In order to understand State intervention more accurately in this new socio/political scenario, it is necessary to analyse the various initiatives that have been more strategic in isolating the Mapuche movement.

Firstly, there are many references to various legislative and indigenous rights reforms in existence, Constitutional reforms and international conventions that have been signed, such as Convention 169 of the ILO. That said, Chile is one of the most backward countries for its conservative nature; the prevalence of the Indian Act is indicative of its backwardness in regards to rights, since we are not even recognized as a nation.

454492_400There are different positions regarding Constitutional recognition, depending on the area that is assumed about Mapuche reality. Ideally, for the most recalcitrant, fascist, racist section of the Right, the idea of the Mapuche being physical exterminated would be the solution to a national problem. The other section of the Right insists in ignoring internationally recognized indigenous rights, arguing for the concept of the Nation State and being Chilean. For the newly renovated “Concertación Coalition,” now called “New Majority,” the aim is for multicultural recognition but through small and insufficient reforms in the framework of the current Constitution, so as to not affect the current model of neoliberal governance; a very comfortable position to take. This is a goal shared by most Mapuche organizations in recent times and as a result of the advancing processes of community struggle, especially those who claim the right to self-determination, thus continuing the legalistic and institutional interest of the State and the powerful interest groups. However, there is another position that we have proposed as the CAM, which is more coherent and consistent with the approach for autonomy and anti-systemic liberation; it is based on its construction in practice, and will struggle for it in various ways stated previously.

Secondly, regarding the issue of CONSENT or the right to consultation, participation and political representation; it is well known that consent has not had been held to account, especially regarding issues of development, territorial investments and/or infrastructure projects, which under current circumstances are held under Capitalist order. Only the Indian Act allows for a slight possibility of participation, but within the wider scope of things is practically nothing.

In this regard, we should note that recent announcements by the Executive branch of government in relation to establishing consent according to Convention 169, will most likely be through these same pre-established legalistic limits, and thus become obsolete in its effectiveness.

Third, there have been various development programs announced to build culture and identity, which is nothing more than the continuation of Indian policy that has been applied for almost two decades by the “democratic” governments that have focused on achieving “social integration within the coexistence of a rule of law.” Essentially, it is the forced integration embarked within the “Origins Program” as a model for understanding indigenism with a clear mitigating and containment factors in managing the material needs of Mapuche communities.

ConflictomapucheFourth, there are the dialogue and negotiation initiatives taking place in order to establish a relationship with the State. In this regard we should note that since the outbreak of the Mapuche Movement, there have been a number of these initiatives which have not gotten anywhere, except to ensure the so-called “social peace” that is sought by interest groups in conflict zones. We should remember the “Community Dialogues” initiative, or the indigenous development plan, various negotiation tables and the notorious Commission on Truth and a New Deal, among others. All of which have been proposals that have not derived more than very basic and inadequate welfare policies. It is needless to say that the CAM never participated in these events, due to both self- defining terms, as well as the lack of political will by the authorities to recognize our expression as valid partners to solve the conflict. The reason is simple; the CAM does not dialogue based on the basis of crumbs or deceit. Today once again, there is talk to establish dialogue with all sectors within the Mapuche Movement but the CAM and the autonomous movement Mapuche continue to be ignored, because the State insists on only recognizing claims of a social, economic or cultural nature; not in terms of political rights. Precisely because we know they will refuse to recognize these political rights, we will continue to raise the issue of self-determination and autonomy.

Finally, we will address the government policy of giving back land, which is the breaking point in the relationship between the State and our Mapuche People. In fact, it is the reason for the current conflict, and has developed a crisis of governance in Wallmapu.

To reaffirm our proposal, the fact remains that when there are conflicts over land there are several ways that allow for its solution, depending on the positions and the interests that have developed. There is a State route for land redistribution based on expropriation. In fact, there is a law in Chile for this very reason, which took root during the 60’s and early 70’s and contributed to the reconfiguration of the territorial map, benefiting the peasantry as a whole and partial Mapuche demands. However, this is the legal State route, and therefore represents the continuity of ideological colonialism, both structurally and symbolically, which does not represent us.

Therefore, we as the CAM have proposed a type of distribution based on direct action, mainly through productive land reclamation. We do not recognize State legalism and its institutions. This implies taking greater leaps, since we are engaged in the active reclamation of the land and its resources generating real changes. This is what we have covered extensively, and is known as the experience of territorial control as the way to reconfigure the territory and lay the foundations for autonomy. This also means understanding that communities are able to counteract the pressures of Capitalist interests and the integrationist policies of the Chilean government. Not to do so would vitally contradict the process of accumulating strength, due to the way in which the struggle is fought; whether it be expropriation  or under the logic of the market, these methods weaken the autonomists processes would cause a setback on the road to national liberation. Not only because we would continue being submitted under the framework of the system, but also because of the dependencies that develop with institutions and the market.

Unto the expropriations and experiences of territorial control, the State or rather “Neoliberal Governance,” and successive governments, also have a third way; the redistribution of land market through market assistance; i.e. within the framework of the Capitalist system. It is the route that goes in tandem with the neoliberal economic model, which in turn can reduce or eliminate pressure on governments to expropriate. Moreover it is the way of dealing with land reclamation struggles that are based on direct action, seeking to transform and bring about real change in the structures of domination as suggested by the CAM.

Even at present, the “New Majority” Coalition government insists on using the market, where the solution is to buy and not to expropriate. It is a type of policy that involves redistribution based on the will of an individual to sell, meaning that the system protects private property and a type of trade that is subjected to the discretion of an owner through commercial activity. Speculation can take place in relation to land. Indeed, the owners are forestry companies, large estate landowners or farmers, and may raise land prices, earning exorbitant profits in a commercial process that can become long and tedious; sometimes unworkable and have even led to acts of corruption.

No doubt this has been the most harmful State policy to achieve the containment of the conflict and is related to the strategy established for land transfer. Beyond being a way that promotes and defends the Neoliberal Capitalist economic model, it has had a boomerang effect for those in power. With the aim of containing the conflict, it has allowed for the ethno/cultural disarticulation of Mapuche communities within the territory; from the moment when the National Corporation of Indigenous Development (CONADI) intervenes in the land claims process, the land may be transferred to other communities in different areas which in recent times has been widely opposed by the majority of Mapuche Movement. This is simply the cost for an oppressive State that uses land as part of a social counterinsurgency strategy. Therefore we must understand these three-pillars used by those in power to manage the Mapuche Movement during the period new government; first, to deliver a few more resources through various social welfare programs and maintaining the policy of conditionally handing back land. Second, they will put more pressure to further politically isolate autonomist Mapuche expressions through State policies, for which they can count on the reaction of conservative public opinion. Third, the implementation of social and symbolic counterinsurgency, which means the militarization of the conflict zones, broad and selective repression, and the criminalization involved in exacerbated legal punishment, allowing for more political prison.

Unto this current ongoing process, we have the permanent dilemma of which way to go; the autonomist and insubordinate route of no negotiation or the route of assimilation to market logic. In such a scenario we conclude, continue the resistance and reconstruction our nation Mapuche people.



Hector Llaitul Carrillanca

Mapuche Political Prisoner CAM


El Manzano Prison, July 2014


The Anti-Terrorist Law vs. the Autonomist Mapuche Movement; Contributions to the Debate by Hector Llaitul

 Military entering autonomous communities throughout Wallmapu
Military entering autonomous communities throughout Wallmapu

Neoliberal governments, like their economies need certain commodities in the course of their development with the ends to consolidate, improve and deepen their dynamics, which may not necessarily be easy for the elites. This is why they build stories that empathize with people’s needs, with its deep and heartfelt demands, fill solutions in the framework of populism, but under no circumstances promote participatory processes where the model is questioned and new cultural and economic practices are generated. The deepening of State paternalism and the welfare arm is what is sought out, and of course the perfection of persecutory and repressive tactics. Who questions this model will be persecuted, and who manages qualitative progress in that direction and deepens practices to decolonize our work, advocating own identity and history, will be imprisoned, repressed or killed. That is the dichotomy of this model; on the one hand it offers a sort of paradise, nonexistent, for clients of this dynamic development, and the other chases and stigmatizes you as a terrorist. The main premise is that obedience is a virtue of the “good” Mapuche, and the proclamation of a national liberation project and its proverbial self-defense are by definition practices of “bad” Mapuche.

Unto the statements made by Mr. Peñailillo, Minister of the Interior, commenting on the existence of an expert commission with the purpose of making profound, perfecting, and modernizing changes to the Anti-Terrorist Law (whereby amendments are due to pass in Congress within the next 60 days); we wish to share an opinion piece by Mapuche Political Prisoner, Héctor Llaitul of the CAM for reflection, which may also allow us to take a position on the matter.

The Anti-Terrorist Law and the Criminalization of the Mapuche Cause



The current Anti-Terrorism legislation (Law No. 18,314) is a legacy of the military dictatorship. It was in 1984 that the military junta decreed its existence in order to pursue and annihilate opponents. Within the legislation terrorist actions such as kidnapping, destruction of aircraft, assassination attempts, bombings and poisoning water were included, among other things. Arson was then subsequently included in 1991, in the “democratic” era.

As has already been amply recorded, this law led to countless acts of human rights violation during the period of the dictatorship. In turn, it was used again in the early years of the Centre-Left coalition governments of “La Concertación” within the democratic era, which sought to diligently pursue and annihilate the subversive groups that held political-military strategies and, subsequently, was to be applied against the autonomous Mapuche movement.

untitledHowever, we should point out that once the Mapuche movement began to rise with strength, the first repressive measures that were imposed were other laws and jurisprudence, such as the State Security Law (Law No. 12,927), created in the 50s and reformed and perfected during the dictatorship as a repressive mechanism for political control. It is with the introduction of criminal procedure reform and pressure from business groups that the legal arguments for the use of the Anti-Terrorist Law against the Mapuche cause strengthened, because it was much more punitive and with a greater repressive reach than any other common law used within the Civil Code.

Its debut came in 2002, when the first charges were laid by the government of Ricardo Lagos, which resulted into two separate investigative charges laid against the Arauco Malleco Coordinator of Mapuche Communities in Conflict (Coordinadora Arauco Malleco – CAM). One, which had more resonance in Region IX, known as Illicit Terrorist Association and the immediate consequence was the arrest and imprisonment of twenty Mapuche activists and leaders such as La Chepa [Patricia Troncoso], Llaitul, Norín, Huenchunao, Pichún, among others. Meanwhile, as a result of the Anti-Terrorist law being invoked by local authorities, which included the role of Rodrigo Peñailillo (then governor of the Province of Arauco), another investigation was initiated in the Court of Cañete that led to the charge of Illicit Terrorist Association against CAM, but this time in Region VIII.

Both cases followed their own courses, but ultimately did not succeed, as the arrested Mapuche community members were dismissed and the accused acquitted after spending more than a year in prison.

The cases where there were convictions based on the Anti-Terrorist law were as follows: the case of the Loncos [Chiefs] (Pichún and Norin), the Ancalaf case and Poluco-Pidenco case, all of which had anywhere between 5 and 10 year convictions.

During the last period of Ricardo Lagos and throughout the government of Michelle Bachelet there were numerous charges that resulted in procedures resulting in prison for dozens of Mapuche, but over time, due to the mobilization of the Mapuche people, international reports, agreements and negotiations, many of these charges were dropped or stayed and there were no convictions under the Anti-Terrorist law. This despite the fact that between 2008 and February 2010, the Bachelet government invoked the Anti-Terrorist law in seven cases, involving a total of 54 Mapuche accused of terrorist offenses.

The last occasion when the Anti-Terrorist law was used and Mapuche leaders were convicted according to this logic was in the case known as “The Ambush of Prosecutor Elgueta.” During each stage of the case all mechanisms allowed by this law were used; from the charges themselves to the judicial/police proceedings, the investigation, pre-trial custody and use of protected witness. With it came a host of judicial evidence to which the court has no choice other than to estimate test standards presented by the Public Prosecutor; documents which were mainly composed of protected witness statements, breaking every principle of due process.

On the use of the protected witnesses we will not go into detail, except to reaffirm that their use violates international treaties ratified by Chile and are currently in force under international law, such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the American Convention on Human Rights and other bodies of the UN. The use of protected witnesses has been strongly questioned because it represents an unacceptable restriction of the right to defense. It is particularly serious if the evidence or testimony presented are crucial to the prosecution’s case and a conviction may depend upon such.

It is indisputable that the anonymity of witnesses expand the range of perjury, induced by possible bribery, extortion or manipulation, even buying witnesses straight.

A thorough analysis is required by specialists in the field of human rights as to how the Anti-Terrorism law has operated in the various cases against Mapuche community members, especially regarding the use of protected witness, to understand its negative impact. This is essential to grasp since this judicial-political instrument, which is absolutely illegitimate and immoral on many accounts, is once again used to deal with a people who demand their fundamental rights.


Prosecutor Elgueta entering into an autonomous Mapuche community fully armed the day of the alleged ambush by Mapuche Warriors
Prosecutor Elgueta entering into an autonomous Mapuche community fully armed the day of the alleged ambush by Mapuche Warriors

It all begins when an event occurs that has components of political strength by an organized sector of the Mapuche people, which under certain conditions generates violence, whether it is a protest, claim or part of a more strategic political activity. It is always the State that defines, under pressure from the dominant economic and political powers, the form of criminalization of such action. This is always accompanied with a strong media campaign pushing for the classification of terrorism and ends when the Government places those charges in the Court system. At that point, they have already built the “terrorist reality.”

Once the charges are presented, the Courts empower prosecutors and police to implement all the measures and procedures that guarantee the use of the law, with powers for actions that border on illegality and impunity and lack of accountability. Always with great resources, which would even allow them to pay informants and undercover agents.

Once pre-trial custody is determined, we face the “perfect terrorist reality,” with the most diverse accusations, which are the result of the prosecutor(s)’ and plaintiff’s train of thought, imposing an official speech of predetermined culpability. It is a long remand that far exceeds any given time for investigation.

During this period a “top-secret investigation” is established that allows for the manipulation and preparation of evidence, through the recruitment of “secret witnesses”, sampling of blood or saliva, often forcibly, scene reconstructions, etc. This evidence are always unknown to the defense of the accused.

The use of secret witnesses requires the work of recruitment, through torture, extortion or payment. These are never presented spontaneously as with ordinary witnesses, instead, they are taken to Court forcefully.

Specifically in the Elgueta/Jorquera case, “Witness 26,” was a Mapuche villager then later to be known as Elcides Pilquiman, a former Army reservist who worked as a private security guard, with a criminal record history. A history that was unknown to the Court during the proceedings, because he was a “secret witness”. Nonetheless, two of the judges of the Trial Court of Cañete and later the Supreme Court itself, validated his testimony as the only evidence that would result in a conviction. The testimony of “Witness 26,” was therefore the only evidence used to lay convictions against Ramón Llanquileo and myself.

Oral Hearings under the Anti-Terrorism law also have the same defects. It is the result of all violations committed against due process in the previous phase, giving legitimacy to the evidence presented by the prosecution, particularly in the case where the Court can validate such evidence when it comes to determining the sentence. In the Llanquileo / Llaitul case, the testimony of “Witness 26” was considered at all stages of the process, reaching the Supreme Court, whose expert judges rejected the veracity of that testimony in the “Elgueta Case”, lowering sentence of the leaders of the CAM to 10 years, but, strangely, validating his testimony in the “Jorquera Case”, confirming the sentence of the Court of Cañete.

It should be mentioned that because the Military Court did not consider the testimony of “Witness 26” CAM leaders were acquitted, demonstrating that there was no other evidence. With this one can conclude that the Military Courts are actually more lenient than civilian Courts.

That is why the last UN rapporteur who visited the Mapuche political prisoners insisted and recommended:

“Those who have been convicted based on the testimony of anonymous witnesses should be given the right to have their sentences be reviewed and, where appropriate, be ordered a new trial to be held under the provisions of ordinary criminal law, without resorting to anonymous evidence “.

The existence of Anti-Terrorism Law is born, exists and is modernized in order to prosecute and punish an alleged internal enemy, whose existence is forcefully constructed by those who see their interests threatened. That is, it is born against anti-capitalist movements, and in our particular case, the Mapuche Nation.

Unto this our position is the following: we are against the existence of the Anti-Terrorism law and we will not participate in discussions about its modification, modernization or adjustment. This law exists to pursue social movements, and criminalize their just demands. In Chile there is no terrorism, much less the Mapuche cause. It is plunder, abuse and discrimination that is the trigger of resistance against the prevailing economic and social model.

Wichan Info al Día

Distributed by: The Women’s Coordinating Committee for a Free Wallmapu


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