News on the Mapuche Political Prisoner Hunger Strike 2012: 40+ Days

Day 43 of the Mapuche Political Prisoners on Hunger Strike: Call for Unity and Territorial Reclamation

October 8th, 2012

Day 43 of the hunger strike and they have lost an average of 11 Kg of weight. They demand their freedom, as well as for the other Mapuche prisoners of the Chilean State, without losing sight of the liberation of their People and territorial reclamation.  These are the words of the prisoners of the Wnete Winkul Mapu Community after receiving the mass visit of various communities throughout Wallmapu this past weekend.


The Mapuche Political Prisoners of the Wente Winkul Mapu Community of Lof Chekenco: Paulino Levipan Coyan, Daniel Levinao Montoya, Rodrigo Montoya Melinao and their spokesperson Eric Montoya, wish to state the following to the national and international community:

This Sunday, October 7th we wish to acknowledge all our Peñi [Brothers] and Lamnien [Sisters] that were with us yesterday uniting their rebel cry for justice and freedom to ours.

We also acknowledge the Werkenes [Spokespeople] of other peoples that came in solidarity with our just demands and all those who have continued to support the hunger strike now on its 42nd day of dignified resistance.

During these 42 days on hunger strike, we have manifested ourselves against the Chilean State for its unjust and repressive treatment of our People throughout history regarding the theft and usurpation of territory.

We are four youth from Angol and five in Temuco who are struggling for justice and truth in our judicial cases, but also in support of territorial demands and the liberation desired by our People.

Look at us – it had only been up until very recently that we were playing in the middle of fields. We would help our folks with their harvest, with their animals. Today we lift our Wiños with dignity, in honour of what we have learned in this long history of resistance of the Mapuche Nation.

Pu Peñi, Pu Lamnien, we are not only fighting for a just trial. We struggle because we understand that prison is a place where we too can show the value of believing that we are not mistaken in what we desire: THE RECLAMATION OF OUR TERRITORIES.    

From here we lift our spirits and bring conscience to our people – that is what should unite us and make us walk together – not through projects, political posts or the scraps that fall from the tables of the rich.

We are youth that understand that we cannot renounce to the path that has been drawn out through the history of the Weichafe [Warriors] Kuifi, which is why we support the reconstruction of our nation, of a free nation, advancing though organization and conscience, where our ideas, attitudes and word can be credible.

The youth have understood the importance the land has… But we point to something greater that will assure us in maintaining ourselves as Mapuche today, tomorrow and always: THE TERRITORY.

We long for our Conas and Weichafe that defended their political, economic and cultural autonomy against the invader with their lives just as we do today.

Because we were born Mapuche neither persecution nor prison or death will detain our struggle for the liberation and territory of our Mapuche Nation.

Wente Winkul Mapu Mapuche Political Prisoners

State of Hunger Strikers on October 7th:

Names:                                               Initial Weight (Kg)          Current Weight (Kg):

Paulino Levipan                                    67.800                             56.100

Rodrigo Montoya                                  64.100                             54.500

Erick Montoya                                       65.400                             56.600

Daniel Levinao                                      63.700                             51.100

País Mapuche

Distributed by: The Women’s Coordinating Committee for a Free Wallmapu [Toronto]


Mapuche Political Prisoners Begin Hunger Strike in Temuco Prison

October 1st. 2012

Public Communiqué from Temuco Prison

To national and international public opinion, we the Mapuche Political Prisoners, Leonardo Quijon Pereira, Luis Marileo Cariqueo, Fernando Millacheo Marin, Guido Bahamondes and Cristian Levinao Melinao, held in Temuco Prison state the following:

Kiñe: Beginning today MONDAY, OCTOBER 1st, 2012 we initiate an indefinite HUNGER STRIKE as a result from the lack of response from the National Chilean Gendarmerie regarding our demands.

Epu: This drastic decision that we have taken as Mapuche Political Prisoners is due to the incompetency of the Gendarmerie obliging to the Chilean State, other entrepreneurs and estates owners  that manage the Laws against us, in order to maintain us far from our family and loved ones.

–          We demand our immediate transfer (the five Mapuche Political Prisoners) to the Correctional Centre in the City of Angol, since it is closer to our families.

–          We demand the end to the humiliating and degrading strip searched carried out by the Gendarmerie to our families and friends who come to visit us.

Kula: We demand that these petitions be responded to, since as prisoners we have the right to situated in the Penitentiary that is closest to our homes in order to better receive our visits; this especially considering that it is a tactic used by Power in order to silence our struggle and resistance.

We demand equal and dignified treatment to our family and friends regarding the humiliating strip searches carried out by the Gendarmerie of Chile to our family and friends, considering that our incarceration is due to political causes and not criminal as with the rest of the prisoners.

Meli: We remind national and international opinion that we demand the respect for our rights, since we are in prison as a result of the struggle that we carry together with our Mapuche communities for the reclamation of our territory, which has been stolen and over exploited by the richest entrepreneurs in the country. This prison is due to political ends that the State imposes on us as subordinates of the entrepreneurs and estate owners, but we state clearly that our struggle will continue for the reclamation of our territory, for the right to our waters and a free and dignified life.

Kechu: From Temuco Prisoner we give our greatest support to our Peñi [Brothers] on hunger strike for the last 36 days, as an only recourse that the State and its businesses leave us in order to make our rights upheld. We demand immediate responses for those who risk their lives as a result of arbitrary and incoherent judicial processes.

Lastly, we call out to the solidarity and conscience between different peoples to openly participate in any kind of act of support to our Peñi and Wenuy whom are on hunger strike, where they as well as ourselves, have put our lives at risk for the cause of the Mapuche People and against the social injustice that is committed daily in this Winka [Settler] and racist country.





Leonardo Quijon

Luis Marileo

Fernando Millacheo

Guido Bahamondes

Cristian Levinao


País Mapuche

Distributed by: The Women’s Coordinating Committee for a Free Wallmapu [Toronto]


Spokesperson of the Wente Winkul Mapu Community Arrested

September 25th, 2012

A group of Police arrested the spokesperson of the Wente Winkul Mapu community and the Mapuche Political Prisoners on Hunger Strike, Daniel Melinao. Up till now, there is no known cause for the aggression.

The arrest took place at around 4pm in the area of Ercilla; there is no information about his current state at this time.

Initially, the detention was understood as a repressive move on behalf of the government for the demonstrations against the health Minister that is visiting the area.

This is a new attack against the Lof Chequenco Community, where four of its members are currently undergoing a hunger strike in Angol Prison, without any type of justification by Chilean officials.

País Mapuche

Distributed by: The Women’s Coordinating Committee for a Free Wallmapu [Toronto]


Mapuche Political Prisoners reach 30 Days on Hunger Strike: “The chains that we carry do not intimidate us!”

September 24th, 2012

This Monday, the four Mapuche Political Prisoners of Chequenco have reached one month on hunger strike, demanding their freedom. They have dropped an average of 9 kg of weight and are beginning to suffer from tachycardia. Despite this, they refuse to end their actions.


The Mapuche Political Prisoners of the Wente Winkul Mapu Community of the Chekenco Lof, Paulino Levipan Coyan, Daniel Levinao Montoya, Rodrigo Montoya Melinao, and their spokesperson Eric Montoya wish to communicate the following to national and international opinion:

On this day, September 23rd we reiterate that we have risen with our voice full of strength. We have struggled for the reclamation of our land that has been stolen in order to be dignified children of this People that with bravery and blood has defended throughout history.

Despite the discrimination and being treated as “ignorant Indians,” we must say that before they came, we were here. Our culture, our language, our way of life existed, which did not mean the submission and exploitation of others.

They call us ignorant because their greed and arrogance has impeded them from knowing and respecting a People different than theirs.

We state that despite the fact that they have us deprived of our freedom, warrior blood continues to run through our veins that they will never overcome. The chains that we carry do not intimidate us.

We reiterate that despite the pains of the hunger strike and that two of us are showing symptoms of tachycardia, we continue to defend our rights with our lives and point responsibility to the Chilean State, led by President Piñera in negating our right to a fair trial, to the presumption of innocence and respecting the international accords that were signed to protect our People.

We continue in resistance to defend our rights, as it is not solely ours alone, but that of our children and future generations of Mapuche to come and continue struggling for the land that was stolen from us.

Neither prison, nor death will stop the struggle for the freedom and territory of our Mapuche Nation.

Mapuche Political Prisoners of the Wente Winkul Mapu Community


Information of the State of Health of Each Mapuche Political Prisoner:

Hunger Striker:                              Initial Weight (Kg):   Weight as of Sept 23rd (Kg):

Paulino Levipan                                67.800                       59.000

Rodrigo Montoya                             64.100                        56.300

Erick Montoya                                   65.400                       58.400

Daniel Levinao                                   63.700                     53.800


País Mapuche

Distributed by: The Women’s Coordinating Committee for a Free Wallmapu [Toronto]


Mapuche Political Prisoners of Wente Winkul Mapu on Hunger Strike Make their Demands Known

August 30th, 2012

Communiqué No. 2

The Mapuche Political Prisoners of the Wente Winkul Mapu Community of Lof Chequenco, Paulino Levipan Coyán, Daniel Levinao Montoya, Hector Ricardo Nahuelqueo Nahuelqueo, Rodrigo Montoya Melinao, and their spokesperson Eric Montoya Montoya, wish to communicate the following to national and international opinion:

Today, August 29th our third day on hunger strike, we strongly manifest the discontent for the recent unjust conviction of our Peñi [Brothers] Daniel Levinao and Paulino Levipan, a discriminatory, racist and political sentence, where the State’s objective is to strip away the idea of territorial reclamation and end our just struggle.

We as Mapuche Political Prisoners continue to resist and struggle against this oppressive and inhumane capitalist system, we will continue to resist against those who have usurped our territories and will go to the last consequences in order to achieve justice and truth for our struggle, thereby showing our innocence. We demand the following:

  1. Annul the trial against Paulino Levipan and Daniel Levinao
  2. The application of Convention No. 169 of the ILO and international accords Chile has subscribed to.
  3. An end to the use of protected witnesses in Mapuche cases
  4. Stop the raids in Mapuche communities and an immediate end to the political violence carried out over children, women and elders.  We demand the demilitarization of Mapuche Territory.
  5. Freedom for all the Mapuche Political Prisoners and the return of our territories to Mapuche Communities.

We call out to all Mapuche communities and all sister peoples, conscious persons, national/international social and human rights organizations to support our just cause.

Neither prison, nor death will detain our struggle for the liberation and territory of our Mapuche Nation.

Long live the centuries long struggle of the Mapuche People


Mapuche Political Prisoners of Wente Winkul Mapu

País Mapuche

Distributed by: The Women’s Coordinating Committee for a Free Wallmapu [Toronto]

*******Other News from Wallmapu*******

Antonio Panitru Community of Lonkomahuida  initiate Terrorial Reclamation against Mininco Forestry Inc.

The Mapuche Antonio Panitru Community of Lonkomahuida states to public opinion the following:

  1. Today, we begin to make use of our territory known as Hijuela los Perales that for many years has been fraudulently used by Mininco Forestry Inc.
  2. It has been more than a year since we gave notice to Mininco Inc., on its actions in confiscating our territory with no response.
  3. We demand that the government and its institutions implement the same judicial instruments used to criminalize and incarcerate our brothers and sisters against the abuses of the company on our territory.
  4. We demand that Mininco Forestry Inc. Give back the section of Hijuela los Perales, and compensate our community for the years of illegal usage of our territory as well as the police persecution against the members of our community.

Given this reality, our community begins today to harvest the plantations of pines that have been planted inside our territory.

Directive of the Antonio Panitru Mapuche Community of Lonkomahuida

País Mapuche

Distributed by: The Women’s Coordinating Committee for a Free Wallmapu [Toronto]


Interview with Mapuche Political Prisoner Hector Llaitul Carrillanca: Our Struggle is Anti-Capitalist by Definition

Interview with Mapuche Political Prisoner Hector Llaitul Carrillanca: Our Struggle is Anti-Capitalist by Definition

“Our struggle is Anti-Capitalist by definition, otherwise it is impossible to reclaim what is our own,” from Angol Prison

Sentenced to 10 years for robbery with intimidation, 4 years for attempted murder against a Prosecutor and 541 days under the Interior State Security Law, Hector Llaitul Carrillanca, one of the latest Mapuche community members convicted by Chilean Justice, talks exclusively with La Chispa (“The Spark”) magazine on the Coordinator of Mapuche Communities in Conflict Arauco-Malleco (CAM), its alignments and forms of action, the national situation, the Left and over new Mapuche expressions such as the FEMAE and the ENAMA. The historical leader gives us his vision, his critics and reasons to reaffirm his position in the Mapuche struggle.

Once again, the Mapuche conflict seems to be in the pages of the mass media. The fire in Carahue and the latest actions carried out in Ercilla have begun a campaign which led by the Interior Ministry and the National State Prosecution, seeks to establish a new offensive of criminalization against the Mapuche cause. The “Summit of Security for the Mapuche Conflict in Araucania” is its name; Rodrigo Hinzpeter and Sabas Chahuan are its principle actors.

One week after the interview, a new raid took place in Angol prison where many Mapuche Political Prisoners are held. This is where Hector Llaitul, Mapuche community member and one of the spokespeople for the CAM, received us and gave a different version of the conflict. This is what he told us.

The Mapuche Struggle, the Left and the book with Jorge Arrate

Beginning the conversation in the topic shared with [other Mapuche Political Prisoners] Ramon Llanquileo and Jonathan Huillical, Llaitul begins to describe his relationship with Arrate and the launch of his new book of conversations with him on the Mapuche cause and the struggle for liberation.

“One of the things that must be considered in the debate is the cosmological view of the Mapuche conflict, which is many times misunderstood from a Western standpoint. Therefore it becomes necessary to explain, which is why I have thought of writing a book. I am not a good writer, it is difficult, however I am much better at debating, therefore I need someone to confront me and Arrate fulfills that role,” he says.

“First of all, I accepted the relation with Arrate as an author, but also considered him politically as well.”  “Arrate had moved steadily more towards the Left,” according to Llaitul, “over time he became highly critical to the Concertacion (Centre Left Government Coalition), he abandoned the Socialist party, initiated the MAIZ party and left once again. At the same time, he silently and disinterestedly moved towards the cause of the Mapuche Political Prisoners. Despite the fact that he did not know much about the issue, he put himself out there during the judicial process that we were facing, gave us his support during the hunger strike and did actions for us, knocking on doors, getting red listed. I think he became a sympathizer with the autonomist Mapuche movement and in particular with the CAM. We would like this to happen with the broader Chilean Left, which tends to underestimate the Mapuche struggle.”

“The classical Left difficultly recognizes the work that the CAM has carried out, something which has been done without them, and relies on its own construction, different of the classic reductionist Left that tends to objectify everything and does not give any value to the subjective factors such as cosmology or culture. The problem is that the Chilean Left and the rest of Latin America rely on foreign concepts, without having their own vision.”

–          Are you more in line with authors such as Mariategui then?

“Effectively, Mariategui stated ‘Neither calculated nor copied, but historically created.’ In the same way we appreciate the thoughts that are more local, such as Lipschutz (Chilean scientist author of ‘The race issue in the conquest of Latin America, ‘From Francis Bacon to Karl Marx and Other Essays’ among others). I would be in line the creation of the ‘Left’ so to speak, of a vision of Latin America, but from the Indian perspective and not through Indigenism, since ‘Indigenism’ is a vision from the outside in, which attempts to represent the ‘Indian’ and promotes integration. Within an ‘Indian’ perspective, the Indian recaptures their own cosmology. Some examples of Indigenism within the Left can be found during the period of the Popular Unity years [under Salvador Allende] where tractors were named ‘Ho Chi Minh’ or ‘Che Guevara,’ and even within Mapuche territory many land reclamations of the CORA, would have names like ‘Luis Emilio Recabarren.’ This would make Mapuche society be part of a greater whole, from the outside, that is to say the progressive movement and the Left would integrate the Mapuche to the project of society, which at the same time would allow our culture to slowly disappear.”

–          In contrast with other Mapuche organizations, there is a clear emphasis of the CAM to be Anti-capitalist in struggle? Can you elaborate on this?

“The CAM became a reference inside the Mapuche movement, principally in defining its anti-capitalist, anti-colonial and anti-imperialist character, which goes by a historical analysis that is developed by the CAM at the time it constitutes itself as an organization. In this way we identify three processes of invasion. The first by the Spanish, then by the Chilean State in 1881 with the ‘Pacification War of Araucanía,’ and thirdly/currently, the invasion of capital that generates a process of transnationalization of Mapuche Territory, where the diffusion of logging/forestry, hydro electric, water shortage, ocean (etc )conflicts begin.”

“Our struggle is anti-capitalist by definition because otherwise it is impossible to reclaim what is our own; not to do it is absurd. First of all, our people never had the productive relations of the capitalist type. Our cosmology impedes it; capitalism completely contradicts our way of life. Secondly, those responsible for the plunder and destruction of our Wallmapu are principally, capitalist investments, because its nature is to destroy and accumulate. Therefore we cannot just be against the Chilean State from a strictly nationalistic view, since it is part of the same framework, and responds to the interests of the neoliberal capitalist system. Other organizations also advocate for autonomy, but the CAM in particular bases itself in territoriality, because there is no autonomy without territory, and since we speak of territoriality, we inadvertently run into capitalist interests – this is a reality. Lastly, we affirm territorial control against capital to reconstruct our own forms of relations, between the Mapuche and their surroundings, which under no pretext can be capitalist.”

–          That is to say, political tactics in this sense are based on resistance and territorial control unto capitalist invasion. On that same line, in what way do those tactics make sense in the communities? How is worked out within the daily routine taking into account the mechanisms of cooptation and ideological colonialism?

“The work that is carried out, beyond confrontation, has to do with the re-affirmation of identity, of cultural and value based aspects. There are many people working day to day in the communities. In this way, culture becomes a motor for change. Then we stop and ask ourselves: who are we? Where do we come from? In this sense one of the achievements of the CAM and the Mapuche broader Mapuche movement has been the self affirmation of ethnicity. Nowadays, there are many more children with Mapuche names, Mapuche youth and women have begun to wear their traditional clothing and it makes them proud.  Therefore, today there is a greater consciousness of our own world, just and healthy, and that must be fought for, which allows for the idea of the liberation of a nation.”

“At the same time we dispute territory, because our communities are permanently in conflict with investments. The communities can see daily how the logging trucks pass by full of timber, their sacred places are flooded where hydroelectric plants are established, in the subsoil, mining explorations are conducted, therefore, resistance is a natural attitude of our people. It is in this way that people recover their dignity and generate a reaction from the communities, thereby making an internal potential that collectively can be very powerful.”

“Many experiences can be taken from this process, but as in every movement there are highs and lows, since the policy of the ‘carrot’ has great resources to co-opt leaders and its advancement is quiet, in contrast with the ‘stick.’ There are some leaders that would like to always appear as consequent, which can be confusing. We shouldn’t forget that Christian saying (which can be very useful) ‘you will know them through their actions.’ Just as there can be processes that make a lot of noise and give little fruit, we must look profoundly and really see if there is a confrontation with the system. If it is within the confines of reformist demands or the reclamation and development of territorial control; the practice of autonomy or the funding of projects, subsidies and you continue under the control of the State.”

–          What do you think in the case of the Mapuche oppressing its own People? Such as the case with Mapuche entrepreneurs or Mapuche contracted by transnational corporations?

“With Wallmapuwen we could say that we agree on some autonomist statements, but not how these would come about. We are also not sure about their position on the capitalist system. We do not work within institutionalism, we do not recognize them. The major difference is that we put ourselves out there in territorial disputes, risking ourselves together with the communities and not from urban spaces. They reform the channels and forms of [Winka] Settler institutionalism, such as through the electoral process to integrate a municipality or Congress. We are against integration, we seek to reclaim the social fabric and self-governance, and for that we must have our base in territoriality. They also promote an ‘intellectual and professional Mapuche’ as an end in of itself, as another type of elite. We on the other hand, aspire for the militant community member, and the role of intellectuals, professionals and technicians should correspond to the same logic, without any kind of privilege.”


“Said a different way, what Wallmapuwen or FEMAE are doing is ‘putting the cart in front of the bulls’ so to speak. They confront institutionalism with nothing and the State co-opts them, makes them play on their side. FEMAE demands the recognition of intercultural education in universities and join the demands of the student movement more generally. However, the idea of inter-culturalism rather than liberate us, makes us part of institutionalism, while confronting it on an unequal basis. There is no doubt that Western education, as an institution, is a right and is a tool that can be of much use for us all (in the same way the horse was a great tool for Lautaro), but it is not a demand as a Mapuche Nation.”


“Simple criticism as a form of struggle is not assertive. The political rights of our people confront State Capitalism, from the very base of the communities.”


–          What sense do Mapuche based in the city take from territorial demands?


“It should mean everything, since migration is a reality and a product of the loss of territory, displacement and with it identity. Now as the CAM, because of territorial principles as with cosmological aspects, people should return to the country. But we also have a sense of reality; we are not saying we should go back to the past, we want to reclaim the principles of the Mapuche world, to relocate them and we understand that is a process, especially considering the generations of Mapuche that have lived and reproduced in the city. It is because of this situation that perhaps, many urban Mapuche do not feel in line with the position of the CAM. The conformation of an identity needs territoriality. If we break with our territorial bonds, we lose our Mapuche identity. However, within rural settings there are many reserves that function as neighbourhood committees, and we see how they conform into smaller “communities,” through the current Indigenous Law, which promotes the atomization and subdivision of already reduced reserves. We say we must build the Lof, what the Mapuche understood to be a community, and for that we must recover our territory. We cannot construct the Mapuche world as our elders understood it, not just with people, but with nature, with the waters, hills forests – that is what gives the Mapuche its identity. We seek to reconstruct the Tugun (space) and the Kupalme (parentage), which cannot be done in the city. It is difficult in the country that has been devastated by investments, much less in the city.”


–          What role can be attributed to the international instruments of Law such as Article 169 of the ILO or the International Accord of Human Rights? In what way do these support your struggle?

“If we can see that these mechanisms are controlled global institutionalism, then we all know who it responds to. In the current conditions we cannot discard these tribunals of denunciation and positioning of the Mapuche struggle within an international context. No people that has sought their freedom has done so, neither various national liberation projects, nor any revolutionary processes. Especially when we are dominated by a state whose standards of respect of human rights is extremely low, much less if dealing with original peoples. The human rights perspective is just a small part of it; our struggle cannot be reduced to that specific line. What is in our interest is to position the Mapuche struggle on an international scale. We should, without a doubt, use the agreements and covenants as a judicial tool but it is not what is fundamental. Of course, these laws are not applied unless there are many favorable correlating factors, such as mobilization and struggle that force its application.”


–          In a recent publication, Fernando Pairican states in his thesis that the great failure of the CAM was in not generating a broad Mapuche movement, allowing for the State to isolate the CAM and to attack it directly. What do you think of that idea?

“Well, the post-dictatorship period and within the Centre Left Coalition governments of La Concertacion made it very difficult to construct organization and revolutionary spaces. The same thing happened to Chileans, where after the end of the dictatorship, organizations with more history lived through that process and were disarticulated through various intelligence and de-legitimization campaigns, which did not allow for a more advanced political project.”

“Actually, it is in this time that the CAM is organized, when the majority of the Mapuche organizations were co-opted by the policies of the “New Deal,” where many of them including those linked with the Left, were accusing us of being of the Right, since we continued to struggle in democracy. For us, La Concertacion (Centre Left Coalition Government) was the continuation of the Dictatorship. In the 80’s, I fought against the Dictatorship, and I can tell you that I never applied so many conspiring tactics as during the democratic era, when intelligence bureaus such as La Officina [The Office] and its collaborators ravaged the organizations of the radical Chilean Left. La Concertacion was a very difficult period to organize, due to the media campaigns, set-ups, intelligence operations, infiltrators to generate division (which were successful in a few cases). On the other hand, the majority of the Mapuche association leaders were members of the parties within the Coalition government and the Communist Party.”

“Secondly, yes, as the CAM we lost an ample base of social support, but it was for the necessity of operating through an underground network, which protects the militants in terms of security, but it restricts the possibility to expand in your work to reach certain spaces, where others arrive at, which just happen to be those that are not in favour of the position of the CAM, and influenced many communities to leave the reclamation of their lands behind and initiate a process of negotiation through the CONADI. This led to great divisions and fractured conflicts that are maintained even today.”

“On the other hand, there was a campaign of criminalization of the Mapuche struggle, but pointed and directed towards the CAM.  It is regrettable to say that many of our own militants unto situations of persecution during trials and being prisoners for example, have negated being part of the CAM. There was also indiscriminate repression towards the communities, violent raids, with dozens of people arrested who’s charges were finally dropped, shedding fear over the communities of what could happen if they worked with the CAM; that is to say, the policy of ‘taking the water away from the fish.’  Those are a few of the reasons to explain and understand the diverse processes carried out by the CAM.”

“Of course, we could have continued being an ample organization of communities, but perhaps, for that to have happened we would have had to renounce many of our principles and our political line. We could have accepted the communities carrying out negotiations, receiving subsidies or projects, but we rather step aside when these things would happen.  A self criticism could be that we were not able to convince everyone and were perhaps intolerant.”

“Even so, the CAM has already been in existence for 10 years and has been able to adapt to the varying circumstances, without abandoning its position.”

“In this way, there has been a policy of constructing groups of territorial resistance during the last few years, based in the figure of the Weichafe [Warrior] that has given continuity to the struggle after a period of reflux, and becomes a very important subjective element to the development of new conflicts and the continuation of others. We have also established alliances and have accompanied Mapuche communities and organizations in struggle, where many Lonko [Chiefs) and youth of different territories invite us or visit us to know our opinion regarding their conflicts. The important thing is to be able to keep contributing to the Mapuche struggle, with ideas, strategy, formation and self-defense.”

The political Ethic of the CAM

“Now there should be something very important mentioned,” Llaitul would like to add. “And that the CAM defines itself with being of a ‘political ethic’ which has been greatly recognized. First of all it is clear that our principle enemies are the forestry companies, the powerful and therefore do not indiscriminately target farmers or peasants. We are against that. Attacking the weakest even though they are on Mapuche territory is an attitude that is not of a Weichafe [Warrior] ethic. That line has never existed in the history of the CAM.”

“This comes with an economic and ideological analysis, in that the peasantry is also an oppressed sector of the system and thereby disfavoured; many of them live on Mapuche Territory due to the Agrarian Reform process. Power lies within the economic and transnational groups. Perhaps even many of the small Chilean agriculturalists have a Right wing discourse, especially in the IX Region, but the system still harms them.”

“The CAM targets those that blatantly cause the destruction of our territories, some areas that are sacred, advancing over the communities, but not against people, instead we target the assets of the companies.  That is why we speak of a line of self-defense, there is no offensive line. The CAM does not wish to shed blood, and we have always been very cautious about that, especially what it could mean for the communities.”

“There is also an ethic of the Weichafe [Warrior] that cannot fit into delinquency and if any have committed cattle rustling or robberies, they have been expulsed.  These cannot be called Mapuche Political Prisoners. It is because of this discipline that we have never had blood on our hands or any other acts that soil our cause. We want to categorically move aside from acts that are questionable and delegitimize the movement.”

–          Regarding the relation between the Mapuche and non-Mapuche fishermen in a common front issue, what do you think is the role that you play within the Revolutionary struggle in Chile? How do you see the perspectives of a joint political struggle?

“Our struggle can go together with the struggle of the oppressed, because we understand we have a common enemy. For example, regarding the Fishing Law, fishermen must now have a policy of territorial control, since they are workers, they do not profit – they only survive. More than solidarity, it is about strategically defending territoriality, and if said defense can be shared then so be it. It is very pleasing to see a struggle clarify itself; when there are certain hits to be made.”

“Personally, I think that there is a long road ahead for a revolutionary struggle in Chile, or at least to have the subjective factors and organization necessary. In this context, nothing can be discarded, and can make clearer proposals. But this needs practise, not just discourse.”

“Effectively, there have been important expressions of struggle from different social groups, but the majority have ended dealing out achievements within the established order without deep rooted transformations. Work needs to be done in order to give that qualitative step forward, and for that to happen there needs to be revolutionary organization in order to transform the social movement into a political movement.”

“Many interesting processes have been staged and these are necessary in order to have a clearer reference. For this there needs to much more elaborated thought that manifests itself in real struggles, that real insertion. We can see that today’s political parties are a thing of the past. For example, the student debate between Salazar and Vallejo confirmed this situation. On the other hand there are organizations that have dedicated themselves to the University, and have abandoned the popular world.”

“In order to construct from the oppressed there must be a definition or living and being in the people, as poor, and construct from there. We can see there still is lack of maturity and therefore no political change.  The traditional Left lost its base and moreover lost its conscience, it is just a renunciation, a re-accommodation, a political exertion from the most comfortable positions that do not represent any risk. There has to be conscience in that leadership in order to assume the costs and consequences of what that implies.”

The Student Movement

“Without a doubt we should recognize the struggle that students have developed, where the expression revitalizes the ideas of justice and the questioning of the neo-liberal model, which in the case of education causes much strife to many families.”

“With much respect we point out that we are more sympathetic to the High School Student Movement, for various reasons. Firstly, because they are less influenced from outside forces and on the other hand manifest a more combative attitude, since they are a less elitist movement, and more in line with the popular movement, the vast majority being children of parents that were high school drop-outs. Therefore the transformations begin there at the base.  A very assertive demonstration held in Santiago showed this in the decentralization of mobilizations beyond Santiago’s downtown core into different neighbourhoods, where the link with territorial organizations is fundamental.”

“We have observed the University students during the last little while a detention in the initial proposals, where this could just be a sign of exhaustion or a turn towards more comfortable political positions. This is a movement that has influence regarding the electoral system, which for some emblematic leaders, becomes their priority.”

“The positive thing is that it has been years since there have been manifestations as massive and transversal as there have been throughout the last few years. At the same time, the occupations and assemblies have allowed for the development of discussion and debate in a generation that is politicizing further and less intervened by reductionists and the machines of traditional political parties. It is a great opportunity for a revolutionary construct and the heroic creation as Mariategui would say.”

“Sincerely, we hope for the continuity of this movement, which should hopefully transform itself.”

La Chispa Magazine/Hommodolars

Distributed by: The Women’s Coordinating Committee for a Free Wallmapu [Toronto]

SEPTEMBER 11TH, 2012: We Will Continue Laying the Seeds of the Permanent Uprising (Castellano Abajo)

SEPTEMBER 11TH, 2012: We Will Continue Laying the Seeds of the Permanent Uprising (Ver Castellano Abajo)

The bloody Coup d’état that the Chilean State would unleash together with its guardian dogs (the armed forces) and rich oligarchs on September 11th 1973 would bring about one of the most brutal dictatorships in what is known as Latin America (Abya Yala). The persecution, arbitrary detention, torture, forced disappearance and death of thousands of people would be the daily occurrence of those who decided to stay and confront the repression that was imposed for more than 17 years.

Those years would be decisive in struggle preparation and confrontation. The fundamental role was taken by Anti-Authoritarian, Revolutionary and Mapuche youth who gave up their best years and even their lives in order to liberate themselves from the murderous Pinochet dictatorship.

The youth have historically always marked and brought life to the revolutionary processes throughout the ages, inequalities and miseries of this unjust world. Unfortunately, it always seems that the murderers and opportunists are the ones that benefit from such noble efforts.

Chile is no exception to this.

39 years have gone by, but the past is still present. The same institutions and structures have exerted their violence before, during and after the military dictatorship against those who defy the existing order and the ongoing encroachment of their communities in resistance. It is the same institution and jurisdictional legality that murdered us on that fateful September 11th, which took over our territories a little over 100 years ago and continue keeping us prisoner today.

The same Pigs that conspired to give millions of dollars from their sewers of intelligence from so-called North America to the military junta in Chile are the same that continue to train military personnel and State prosecutors on security counterinsurgency and military logistics today. Chilean State prosecutor Mario Elgueta is a clear example of this; his training link with US Security Services such as the FBI and the CIA, as well as the Canadian Security Intelligence Services (CSIS) has been made public.

It is in this way that they attack our Mapuche communities, brutalizing women children and elders, or planning the set-ups against Mapuche Warriors in order to stop what cannot be detained, which is the advancement of Mapuche resistance for the reclamation of the land, autonomy and ancestral rights.  We see this today with our brothers in prison and on hunger strike of the Wente Winkul Mapu Community, sentenced to more than 11 years in prison under the Antiterrorist Law that the dictatorship imposed and is carried out by the powerful under the so-called $hilean democracy.

This does not just happen in Wallmapu or in the City with Anti-Authoritarian, Revolutionary and Anarchist youth in $hile. Repression is a common denominator that internationally acts as a form of control, against all who rebel.

Here in Toronto, June 2010, State terrorism was imposed on the streets through the police, attacking all those that dared to go out and break with the established order. Everything in order to detain the popular effervescence against the Group of Pigs called G20, who plan the economic life and death of each and every single person in the hemisphere

It should be noted that the Police State was implemented steadily before the Summit took place, that systematically surveyed and arrested various activists, inciting harassment at political events and public meetings of various groups with the end to detain the process of organization that was being carried out.

More than 1000 people were arrested in the beginning, put into cages like animals. Hundreds of people were tortured for hours under torrential rains. People denounced sexual abuse and everything else that involves governing with a military boot and force. This included the pre-emptive arrests of that majority of the alleged ringleaders of the June 26th riots.

Later on, aided by the rats that gave thousands of photos to the police, plus the infiltrators that we know exist and those that we have yet to discover, the greatest systematic arrests took place with psychological campaigns supported by the mass media that showed a list the most wanted and new faces to recognize. That psychological pressure lasted months.

The defiance of authority committed against material goods was harshly sanctioned by those who believe they are the owners of this scale model country known as Canada, and many face trials together with prison convictions that last more than a year.

But most importantly, despite all the police power, despite the presence of Brenda and Khalid as dirty infiltrators, they could not stop the rebellion, and the loss of fear of many thousands of people that were able to go on the streets and state their clear opposition to not only the policies of hunger of the G20, but also the degrading misery from the lack of employment, social security and inequality that  that has submerged the KKKanadian colony, especially throughout the last 20 years.

We know that this is not the first or last time the Police State manifests itself to its slaves. It comes out in different parts of the world on a daily basis, so why not here, where they consider it to be their home.

Today, our comrades and Warriors are still being imprisoned and murdered for having dared to confront and break the chains of Capital and the State. It is for this reason that we CALL OUT to commemorate in reflection of our fallen and MOBILIZE ON THE STREETS for those who continue the struggle!

Freedom for ALL Our Mapuche Political Prisoners & those on Hunger Strike since August 27th, 2012 in Wallmapu!

Freedom for Our Anti-Authoritarian & Anarchist Political Prisoners in $hile!

Freedom for Our Sister KELLY PFLUG BACK & All Toronto G20 Political Prisoners in KKKanada!

For the Memory of Claudia Lopez, the Vergada Toledo Brothers!

For Matias Catrileo, Alex Lemun, Jaime Collio!

For Johnny Cariqueo, Mauricio Morales, and all Our Martyrs Gone with the Wind…

The Memory of those who have died in struggle will not be forgotten.

We will be the spark that lights the flame of resistance for total liberation.




The Women’s Coordinating Committee for a Free Wallmapu [Toronto


11 de septiembre, 2012: ¡Continuamos Sembrando las Semillas de la Revuelta Permanente!

El sangriento golpe, que el estado chileno, junto a sus perros serviles las FFAA, y la oligarkia rica nacional e internacional, dieran el 11 de septiembre de 1973  al sur del  Aba Yala ($hile)  trajo  como consecuencia la implantación del más feroz  Terrorismo de Estado

La  persecución y la muerte, las detenciones arbitrarias, la tortura  y la posterior desaparición forzada  de miles de personas, fue la vida cotidiana que les toco enfrentar a todos  aquellos que decidieron quedarse y enfrentar la represión dictatorial, que se impuso por más de 17 años.

Fueron años decisivos de lucha, de preparación, de enfrentamiento. El rol fundamental fue asumido  por  jóvenes, Anti autoritarios, revolucionarios, y Mapuches quienes entregaron sus mejores años y hasta su vida, en pos de liberarse de la dictadura asesina de Pinochet…

Siempre los jóvenes han sido históricamente, los que marcan  y hacen florecer los procesos revolucionarios, en todas épocas y lugares de este injusto mundo de  desigualdades y miserias. Desgraciadamente siempre son los asesinos y los  oportunistas los que se quedan con el fruto de tan noble esfuerzo…

$hile no es la excepción…

Hoy han pasado 39 años, la historia  no pasa y esta mas latente que nunca, en esta misma mierda de ilegalidad institucional y jurisdiccional que nos asesino en ese fatídico 11 de septiembre ,que se apropio de nuestros territorios hace  poco mas de 100 años y que nos sigue manteniendo prisioneros hasta el día de hoy…

Los mismos Cerdos que ayer conspiraron  aportando miles de dólares desde sus cloacas  de inteligencia, en Isla Tortuga (mal llamada Norte América), a  los golpistas en $hile. Son los mismos que hoy día entrenan abiertamente, en labores de  seguridad, contrainsurgencia y logística militar moderna a militares y jueces chilenos. El Fiscal Mario Elgueta es un claro ejemplo de ello. Su vinculación y entrenamiento con  los servicios de Seguridad de  los EEUU FBI-CIA y Canadá-CSIS, Servicio de Seguridad e Inteligencia Canadiense, es pública…

Como asimismo cobarde, sobre todo cuando se trata de atacar comunidades de mujeres, niños y ancianos. O  planificar un montaje contra comuneros Mapuche, todo con tal de detener lo que  ya no se puede detener, que es el avance de la resistencia Mapuche por la recuperación de su tierra, autonomía y de sus derechos ancestrales. Lo vemos hoy con nuestros hermanos presos en huelga de hambre de la comunidad Wente Winkul Mapu, condenados a más de 11 años de prisión bajo la ley Antiterrorista, que impuso la dictadura y que hoy lo ejercen los poderosos en la mal-llamada democracia Chilena.

Esto no solo pasa en el Wallmapu, o en la ciudad con los jóvenes anti-autoritarios Anarquistas o revolucionarios de $hile. La represión es parte de un denominador común que internacionalmente actúa como forma de control, contra todo el que se revela.

Aquí en Toronto, en Junio del 2010. El terrorismo de estado se instalo en  las calles vestido de policía,  arremetió contra todos los que se atrevieron a salir esos días y romper el orden establecido. Todo con tal de  detener la efervescencia popular de rechazo  a la reunión  del grupo de cerdos llamada G-20, que planifica la vida económica y la muerte de todos y cada uno de los seres humanos de este hemisferio.

Cabe decir, que el terrorismo de Estado se implemento antes que hicieran el show logístico de la cumbre, sistemáticamente vigilando y arrestando a diferentes activistas, asediando a eventos políticos y  reuniones públicas de varios grupos con el fin de detener todo el proceso de organización que se venía gestando.

Mas de mil personas fueron arrestadas en un primer momento, metidas en jaulas como animales. Se torturo a cientos de personas por horas bajo las lluvias torrenciales. Hubo denuncias de abusos sexuales y todo lo que conlleva cuando se gobierna con la bota militar y la fuerza. Con ello, la detención preventiva de la mayoría de los supuestos organizadores de la revuelta del 26 de Junio.

Posteriormente, ayudados por los soplones que entregaron miles de fotos, mas los infiltrados que se conocen y los que no se conocen y alguna u otra delación por comprobar, se iniciaron arrestos mas sistemáticos, con campañas sicológicas, apoyados por los canales de televisión que todos los días mostraban a los más buscados y a nuevos requeridos. Esa presión sicológica duro meses…

La falta a la autoridad cometida y la agresión a las cosas materiales, fue duramente sancionada por los que se creen dueños de esta maqueta llamada Kkkanada, y muchos todavía enfrentan juicios apañados y condenas de más de un año…

Lo importante es que esta vez, pese a todo su poderío policial, pese a Brenda y Khalid , inmundos infiltrados, no se pudo impedir la rebelión y la pérdida del miedo de varios miles de personas, que fueron capaces de salir a la calle y decir un –no- rotundo a las políticas de hambre no solo del grupo de cerdos del G-20, sino también a la miseria denigrante, que la falta de empleo, de seguridad social y de inequidad tiene sumida a  la colonia canadiense, especialmente en estos últimos 20 años.

Sabemos que esta no va a ser la primera o ultima vez que el terrorismo de estado se manifieste en contra de sus esclavos, lo hace a diario en diferentes partes del mundo porque no lo va a ser aquí, en la que considera su casa.

Hoy a través de todo el continente, nuestr@s compañeros y Weichafe siguen siendo encarcelados y asesinados por haber osado enfrentarse y romper las cadenas del Estado y el Capital. ¡Es por esta razón que seguimos recordando a nuestr@s caidos y llamamos a salir a la calle para tod@s lo que siguen luchando!








La memoria de quienes han caído en la lucha no será olvidada. Nuestra lucha será la chispa que ilumine la llama de resistencia por la liberación total.



Women’s Coordinating Committee for a Free Wallmapu [Toronto]


SEPTEMBER 11th, 2012

39 Years after the Coup d’état in Chile, We continue Laying the Seeds of the Permanent Uprising


Toronto Chilean Consulate|2 Bloor Street West

Freedom for Our Mapuche Political Prisoners on Hunger Strike since August 27th in Angol Prison!

Freedom for Our Anti-Authoritarian & Anarchist Political Prisoners in $hile!

Freedom for KELLY PFLUG BACK & All Toronto G20 Political Prisoners in KKKanada!


Speakers & Performers:

*Tracey Walsh (Speaking for Toronto G20 Political Prisoner Kelly Pflug-Back)

*Sakura Saunders (Mining Injustice – Pascua Lama)

*Julian Ichim (Currently Sueing OPP,& Being Charged with denouncing G20 infiltrators)

*Dan Kellar (Currently Charged with denouncing G20 infiltrators)

*TEST THEIR LOGIK (Anarchist Hip-Hop Duo)

Day of Action Dedicated to the Memory of Claudia Lopez & All Our Martyrs Gone with the Wind…

8 PM: SUBVERSIVE FILM NIGHT (All Films with English Subtitles)

Mapuche Doc Shorts + Feature Films

With Claudia in Our Hearts

Beloved student, dance artist, and Anarchist Claudia Lopez, was murdered by Chilean National Police during the riots of September 11th, 1998 in commemoration of the bloody fascist coup d’etat of 1973. The film depicts her memory among the Santiago community of La Pincoya and the mobilizations that she inspired in her people.

Calle Santa Fe

On October 5th 1974, on Santa Fe Street in Santiago Chile, Carmen Castillo is wounded while her partner Miguel Enriquez, head of the M.I.R (Leftist Revolutionary Movement) and armed resistance against the Pinochet dictatorship, is killed combat. The film depicts the story of the armed resistance movement against the dictatorship through the eyes of the film’s director, Carmen Castillo, and other testimonies of MIR militants illustrating prison, torture, exile, and the fall of the movement.

*Critical discussion through an Anti-Authoritarian analysis to follow after the film*

HARVEST NOON CAFE (GSU) – 16 Bancroft Ave (North of College, East of Spadina)

Organized by the Women’s Coordinating Committee for a Free Wallmapu [Toronto]


The bloody Coup d’etat that the Chilean State would unleash together with its guardian dogs (the armed forces) and rich oligarchs on September 11th 1973 would bring about one of the most brutal dictatorships in what is known as Latin America (Abya Yala). The persecution, arbitrary detention, torture, forced disappearance and death of thousands of people would be the daily occurrence of those who decided to stay and confront the repression; those who received the greatest blow were youth of the Revolutionary/Anti-Authoritarian movements and Mapuche communities organizing vast resistance.

39 years have gone by, but the past is still present. The same institutions and structures have exerted their violence before, during and after the military dictatorship against those who defy the existing order and the ongoing encroachment of their communities in resistance.

The plunder of ancestral indigenous Mapuche Territory continues, just as it did at during the formation of the Chilean State more than 200 years ago; the same neo-liberal economic policies of hunger that were part of an international conspiracy of austerity were implemented under the military rule for 17 years and continues today under the so-called democracy of the current Socialist, Centre-Left, and Right Wing governments. The Canadian State (with its own colonial history of plunder of indigenous Peoples) is no exception to this agenda, having played a great role in this repression through its influence during Chilean military dictatorship and subsequent role in the expansion of liberal trade agreements and the security/intelligence apparatus.

Today, our comrades and Warriors are still being imprisoned and murdered for having dared to confront and break the chains of Capital and the State. It is for this reason that we CALL OUT to commemorate in reflection of our fallen and MOBILIZE ON THE STREETS for those who continue the struggle!

CALL OUT TO ALL ANTI-COLONIAL/ANTI-AUTHORITARIAN/ANTI-CAPITALISTS to converge on the North West Corner of Yonge & Bloor at 5PM (EST) on September 11th, 2012

Bring your Noisemakers, Flags (etc)!

We Remember Our Anti-Authoritarian & Anarchist Martyrs, THE VERGARA-TOLEDO BROTHERS, CLAUDIA LOPEZ, MAURICIO MORALES, JOHNNY CARIQUEO & ALL those who have Fallen & Continue the Struggle in the Permanent Uprising!

We Remember Our Mapuche Warriors, ALEX LEMUN, MATIAS CATRILEO, & JAIME COLLIO, in the Reconstruction, Reclamation & Liberation of the Mapuche Nation!


Freedom for ALL Our Mapuche Political Prisoners & those on Hunger Strike since August 27th, 2012 in Wallmapu!

Freedom for Our Anti-Authoritarian & Anarchist Political Prisoners in $hile!

Freedom for Our Sister KELLY PFLUG BACK & All Toronto G20 Political Prisoners in KKKanada!

The Memory of those who have died in struggle will not be forgotten. We will be the spark that lights the flame of resistance for total liberation.




WCCC [Toronto]

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